The study illuminates, from a work environment perspective, changes in teacher students’ and university teachers’ work practices during emergency remote teaching. The study’s thematic analysis of qualitative surveys is theoretically grounded in Karasek and Theorell’s (1990) three-dimensional model consisting of the components demands, control, and social support. The study reveals that the transition has led to a lack of control due to new routines and reduced access to collegial support. However, the participants also recognize certain educational and efficiency benefits with the use of new technologies and emphasize that time is saved through the absence of travel and breaks on campus, which appears to reduce demands and increase the control over work. Balancing these benefits and losses is difficult, as positive experiences of increased flexibility are contrasted with experiences of reduced support and increased demands in the form of extra work, greater responsibility, and increased cognitive workload. The study also focuses distractions within the home environment and how the absence of informal meetings affects study motivation and degrades the work environment. However, the study also illustrates the transition as a process where some students have developed strategies resulting in increased control.

Utbildning och arbete ses ofta som synonyma med social rörlighet. I detta kapitel fokuserar vi på de relationsskapande praktiker i andra sammanhang som ofta glöms bort, men som personer som har invandrat till Sverige ser som viktiga för sin sociala rörlighet. I kapitlet lyfts särskilt sport, civilsamhället och praktikplatser fram som viktiga sammanhang där meningsfulla relationer tar form.

Arbete lyfts i det offentliga samtalet nästan uteslutande fram som den viktigaste vägen till inkludering, något som människor själva ofta instämmer med. I detta kapitel tittar vi närmare på migranters egna berättelser om vägen till arbete. Vi lyfter fram både hinder och möjligheter som framträder i deras berättelser.

I detta projekt undersöker vi vilka sammanhang och aktiviteter som framträder som centrala för migranters sociala inkludering. Vi har följt 58 vuxna migranter i tre år och resultaten pekar på att det civila samhället spelar stor roll för deras bana mot inkludering. Vidare framträder migranternas bakgrund i termer av ålder, utbildning och yrkeserfarenhet som centrala faktorer som villkorar möjligheten till social inkludering.

In public discourse, the social inclusion of migrants is often regarded as a challenge demanding migrants to increase their engagement in adapting to the new host country. Such imaginaries commonly declare migrants as being unwilling to acquire language skills and specific cultural values. In parallel, formal education is often proposed as the single most important remedy to inclusion, which generally solely implies labor market participation. However, there is a range of other, often neglected, practices that migrants themselves regard as important for their social inclusion in society. This article aims to analyze what practices are assigned meaning by newly arrived migrants in Sweden on their path toward social inclusion in the country. This is a longitudinal interview study with 19 newly arrived adult migrants that were interviewed on two occasions, three years apart. Drawing on a sociocultural perspective, we understand social inclusion as an ongoing process by which individuals become members of different communities. The result shows that important for social inclusion is access to valuable relationships and close social ties. These relations are important in all communities in which the migrants participate. The analysis illustrates three different communities, outside of formal education and employment, that migrants ascribe meaning to concerning language learning and social inclusion. These communities are sports, internships, and civil society engagements. Through its longitudinal design, this study also illustrates how migrants’ narratives and their meanings shift with time and how migrants relate to these communities over time.

This article scrutinises the European Asylum Dactyloscopy Database (EURODAC) as a research object for social science. EURODAC serves as an important part of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) infrastructure by registering digitalised fingerprints of asylum seekers, which facilitates the allocation of responsibility following the Dublin Regulation. In this article, we explore the role of EURODAC from its implementation in 2003 until April 2021 through a scoping review that maps and analyses existing social science research in the field. In total, 254 scholarly publications-identified in Scopus, Academic Search Complete, and Web of Science-were reviewed. The article seeks to answer three research questions: What is the accumulated knowledge within social science research on EURODAC? What gaps and trends exist in this research? What are the possible implications of this knowledge, gaps, and trends for other areas of the CEAS such as asylum evaluations and reception of asylum seekers? Based on a qualitative thematic analysis, our review shows that research on EURODAC can be divided into three broad categories: research that focuses on the reconfiguration of borders; research that focuses on migration governance and resistance; and research that emphasises fundamental rights and discrimination. In our final discussion, we highlight the lack of ethnographic studies, of gender and intersectional perspectives, and of in-depth studies on national legal frameworks including asylum evaluations and reception practices across the EU. The article concludes that social science needs to address the socio-political underpinnings of EURODAC and acknowledges its centrality to all areas of the CEAS.

Tidigare i boken har det uppmärksammats hur och varför folkbildningen har kommit att spela en viktig roll i arbetet med nyanlända. I detta kapitel undersöker vi hur folkbildningen, närmare bestämt studieförbundet ABF, konkret bedriver detta arbete. Mer specifikt undersöker vi de resurser ABF mobiliserar för att kunna genomföra arbetet, bland annat genom vittförgrenade nätverk och kontakter runtom i landet. Genom sin förankring på både nationell och lokal nivå kunde ABF snabbt svara upp mot de stora och akuta behov av insatser för asylsökande som uppstod under 2015.

The Swedish berry industry relies today on two categories of agricultural seasonal workers: ‘third country nationals’, commonly from South-East Asia, who are granted seasonal work permits for berry picking; and another category designated as ‘free pickers’, mostly EU citizens who sell the harvested berries directly to Swedish berry buyers. With regard to both categories of berry-pickers, successive scandals have plagued the industry. Workers who arrive in Sweden hoping for lucrative employment have ended up with large debts, not able to return home, or have become trapped into ‘forced labour’. This article builds partly on results from our previous research projects on berry pickers in Sweden that centre upon recurrent crises, highlighting the social invisibility of berry-pickers that both enables and adds to their precarity and exploitability. In this paper, our research objective is to study the visibilisation of the pickers' situation of socio-economic precarity and their need for substantive rights. The empirical data comprises interviews and observations collected in 2010–2013, and additional follow-up interviews gathered in 2019–2020. The analytical approach follows theoretical notions of ruptures and acts of citizenship,leading to visibilisation and mobilisation. Key findings identify the occurrence of ruptures contributing to a visibilisation of the berry pickers' plight and to civil society calls for the improvement of their employment rights. Berry-worker protests that make their situation visibile are acts of citizenship which have led to wider mobilisations, but in recent years these have been counteracted, not least, by co-ordinated (local and national) authorities and by landowner responses to such challenges. We argue that these counter-responses can add to invisibilisation, thus becoming pre-emptive bureaucratic actions.

Adult education and its teachers have an important role when it comes to providing knowledge that prepares asylum seekers for a potential life in a new country of residence. In this article we focus on the study circles organised by study associations and analyse the way study circle leaders (SCLs) mobilise their experience of migration in their work with asylum seekers. The article is based on interviews with SCLs and managers, who have been SCLs themselves, and by drawing on a social psychological approach, we analyse SCLs’ relational work with the participants. The analysis shows that SCLs’ migrant background is mobilised as a pedagogical resource and has a prominent influence on the relationship with the participants. However, the relationship is a balancing act, since there is a risk that the asymmetrical pedagogical relationship becomes more symmetrical and thus turns into friendship, guardianship and/or social work.

In times of market reforms and international migration, the Swedish welfare model has been seriously challenged. In the context of the arrival of refugees in 2015-2017, the state turned to civil society in facing up to the challenges. In this article, we direct our attention to the Workers Educational Associations (ABF) state-funded work with refugees, with a specific focus on the activities conducted, the resources making them possible and the use-value of the resources mobilised. The article is based on observations and interviews with study circle leaders, managers and asylum seekers. The analysis illustrates that ABF, in line with its historical legacy, the broader workers movement, the strong notion of popular education as free and voluntary, has, with its well-established connections throughout the country, not solely taken on the task defined by the state. In solidarity, ABF has also responded to the needs of the refugees. As highlighted in the analysis, ABF has mobilized a wide range of resources, not least providing refugees with social networks and help in contacting the authorities. With such mobilization, opportunities were provided for the inclusion of refugees in Sweden.

Svenska(r) från dag ett är den andra forskningsrapporten i ABFs skriftserie folkbildning och forskning.

Rapporten beskriver folkbildningen och specifikt ABFs verksamhet för asylsökande i satsningen ”Svenska från dag ett”. Den tar upp hur verksamheten bidrar till migranters sociala inkludering, hur lärandet organiseras och den speciella ovissa situation som deltagaren befinner sig i samt hur det påverkar ledare och lärandet.

Den har tillkommit i samarbetet mellan ABF och Linköpings universitet och är en del av forskningsprogrammet Migration, lärande och social inkludering.

Europe’s migration and security challenges have prompted the European Union (EU) to develop and enhance multiple large-scale information technology systems (IT systems). Policy and legal developments in this area are evolving rapidly. The European Commission has proposed amending the legal bases for Eurodac and the Schengen Information System (SIS II), and is expected to propose amending the Visa Information System (VIS) in 2018. In addition, four new systems are planned: the Entry-Exit System (EES), the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS), the European Criminal Records Information System for Third-Country Nationals (ECRIS-TCN), and, most crucially, an IT system that seeks to ensure interoperability across existing and planned systems.

Such systems provide invaluable support to border management efforts, but also have wide-ranging fundamental rights implications. The persons affected – including both regular travellers and persons who may be in situations of vulnerability – typically do not fully understand the implications of the use of such systems.

This chapter explores the capacity of two Swedish trade union initiatives, SAC Syndicalists and LO-TCO centre, to extend solidarity to undocumented migrant workers. The author asks what solidarity linkages have been established since the shift of millennia and what obstacles encountered in forging solidarity between workers with strong versus weak legal status. He illuminates the emergence of a transformative form of solidarity, which may open for protection of new groups of disadvantaged workers.

Precarious migrant workers are today an everyday part of the Swedish labour market. They often work under conditions of vulnerability, on temporary contracts and with few rights. This dissertation examines collective actions aiming to improve the precarious conditions of three categories of workers –discriminated, seasonal and undocumented. The collective actors examined in the dissertation are composed of formal organisations such as non-governmental organisations, organisations founded on ethnic grounds and trade unions, but also more temporary groups and networks. The analysis foregrounds contemporary societal, economical and legal transfigurations that create the conditions for collaboration among the actors and the negotiations which they conduct. The dissertation contains four articles. The first article, addressing the situation of discriminated migrant workers, scrutinises the conditions for the engagement of anti-discrimination agencies. The result of the study illustrates how the actors, as a consequence of state subsidies, alter their original course of conduct by becoming market orientated,which contributes to tensions in relations with other collaborators. The second and third articles focus on the situation of Bulgarian-Roma berry pickers in the 2012 harvesting season. Thesearticles illuminate on the one hand, the driving forces to their labour migration and the challenges faced in Sweden, and on the other, the emergence of different collective actions and their significance for the workers. The fourth article centres on two trade union initiatives for the inclusion of undocumentedmigrant workers. The article analyses the challenges faced by the unions as they seek to extend solidarity to workers who are relegated to informal work. The article also elucidates that this endeavour,nonetheless, may have the potential to transform the political identity of trade unions and, by extension through collaborations with other collective actors, open the doors of solidarity for precarious EU migrants. In sum, the four articles show that there is a broad range of collective actors who are preparedto assist precarious migrant workers and to negotiate and at best improve their labour market conditions.These actors face many and difficult challenges. However, as the dissertation demonstrates, their engagement has made the reality of precarious migrant work visible to the public, legitimised the workers’ needs and enabled them to claim their rights.

The purpose of this paper is to provide insight into the capacities of social movement actors (SMAs) and interest groups to negotiate responsibility, heighten issues of accountability and earn legitimacy from authorities and the wider public for the plight of dis-privileged Roma migrant berry pickers in the Swedish labour market. The objective is guided by a multi-sited ethnographical approach to data collection and analysis, which theoretically anchors in social movement frame analysis. The paper proposes that SMAs, in the face of incapacities of state and industry parties, generate the potentiality to leverage immediate humanitarian distress experienced by the workers and to accentuate their political and public visibility. Delimited by the internal organisational structure of a berry industry, partly operating behind informal employment schemes, future studies should devote closer attention in localising/identifying possible “back-stage” data-gathering settings. Policy-makers and special-interest organisations concerned with internal EU labour migration, labour standards and living condition issues, may consider the social and humanitarian implications of persistent responsibility ambiguities. The paper raises issues of informal work and forms of labour exploitation. The paper provides deeper insight into the societal nexus in which a “hard-to-reach group” of seasonal workers faces potential and actual exploitation.

In the current era of austerity free movement of labour has produced an ongoing but also contingent flow of migrant labour, an austeriat, moving from poorer crisis-hit regions of Europe to those countries such as Sweden where the crisis has been less severe. This article describes the working and living experiences of Bulgarian Roma berry pickers in Sweden. It argues that, in the context of a previously well-regulated labour market, an erosion of labour standards based on the exploitation of seasonal unskilled labour migrants from Bulgaria is occurring in the Swedish berry industry, in turn posing challenges for labour market actors and regulatory authorities. The article concludes with a discussion of what might be appropriate European and national trade union responses to the issues of labour precariousness which have emerged.

The paper examines agency for social inclusion among Swedish Associations Founded on Ethnic Ground (AFEGs). It focuses on the access of AFEGs to ‘public voice’ (Solomos 2003) and the opportunity structures for cooperation between AFEGs, public institutions, and other organized interests in the area of social integration in Sweden. Focusing on discursive opportunities, availability of supporters, and public legitimization, we can conclude from three case studies discussed in this paper that there are obvious inequalities present in partnerships between AFEGs and migrant-supporting organizations. In particular, two of the case studies (one and three, high-lighting the relationships between AFEGs, the Equality Ombudsman, and adult education associations), illustrate serious obstacles for their activities.

The paper examines conditions for civil society agency for social inclusion among Associations Founded on Ethnic Grounds (AFEGs). It focuses on the access of AFEGs to “public voice” and the opportunity structures for cooperation between AFEGs, public institutions and other organized interests in the area of social integration in Sweden.

The study examines civil society agency for social inclusion among Associations Founded on Ethnic Grounds (AFEGs), focusing on their engagement for combating discrimination and enhancing migrant incorporation into the Swedish labour market. The overall rationale of the study investigates the complex institutional conditionality of AFEGs for developing their agency as social movement and civil society actors. The main aim of this study has been to understand how anti-discrimination agencies run by AFEGs, with subsidy support by the state, describe their experiences, and which implications the subsidy may have for the orientation and direction of their actions. The study comprises primarily interviews with anti-discrimination lawyers and heads of two agencies, but also interviews with representatives for the Equality Ombudsman. The greatest challenge for the agencies has been caused by subsidy cutbacks, which have affected both the working conditions of the agencies and other engagements of the AFEGs, such as educational courses among their members, awareness raising concerning the issues of anti-discrimination among different officials, in municipalities, trade unions and among employers. Due to the cutbacks, the civil society actors such as AFEGs have been forced to adapt to market principles by becoming entrepreneurs specialised, in this case, in the field of anti-discrimination law. The study further analyses the effects of this development as well as opportunity structures for collaboration with trade unions and the Equality Ombudsman. Even though these partnerships reveal relational asymmetries, the authors call attention to current and possible future openings in opportunity structures for wider collaboration between AFEGs, trade unions and the Equality Ombudsman.