This article closes the special issue Alignment Work for the Movement of Knowledge. It argues that the concept of alignment work, through making it possible to think about collaborations of different epistemic cultures, provides a useful addition to Knorr Cetina’s (1999) concept, keeping it relevant for current concerns in Science and Technology Studies (STS). The article discusses central issues in STS, namely how different academic and professional cultures exchange knowledge, including trading zones, boundary objects, and aspects of Actor-Network Theory, alongside an interest in epistemic cultures and knowledge production. We argue that and demonstrate how knowledge exchange can be understood through epistemic differences and their persistence in collaborative work. 

This paper discusses the alignment work that Swedish crime scene technicians perform at the crime scene. It takes as its point of departure the understanding that the criminal justice system is a collaboration of very different epistemic cultures with at times different understandings of “the same” forensic evidence and its production. Nonetheless, the collaboration and the legal security of forensic evidence depends on knowledge in the form of forensic evidence(-to-be) moving easily and stably through it, despite epistemic differences. One way of attaining such stable movement, the article argues, is the crime scene technicians’ alignment work when they recover and package traces from the crime scene – for example body fluids, fingerprints, and fibers – for transport to the forensic science laboratory. Their crime scene alignment work, it shows, is not only a core part of the crime scene technicians’ contribution to the collaborative production of forensic evidence, it is also a source of professional pride, identity, and community for them. Thus, the crime scene technicians’ alignment work is not only important for the movement of knowledge through the Swedish criminal justice system, but is also an integral part of their professional self-understanding.

This article thinks with infrastructure about the stable movement of knowledge objects such as crime scene reports, traces, and order forms through the Swedish criminal justice system. Infrastructures span different communities and borders; the criminal justice system is made up of necessarily disparate epistemic cultures. Thus, they share a central concern: Both aim for stable movement from one context to another. Thinking with infrastructure, the article argues, makes it possible to widen analytical focus and capture the structures and the continuous work that resolve the tension between different sites and thus enable the stable movement of knowledge objects. Using sensibilities from infrastructure studies- for the resolution of tensions, for continuous maintenance, and for inequalities - the article argues that the criminal justice system enacts the knowledge objects stability across epistemic cultures. In other words, the stable movement of evidence-to-be through the Swedish criminal justice system is the result of infrastructuring, that is, of its continuous creating of conditions that facilitate movement and create and re-create stability. This perspective may be useful for studying the movement of knowledge also in other contexts.

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In The Social Life of Forensic Evidence, Corinna Kruse provides a major contribution to understanding forensic evidence and its role in the criminal justice system. Arguing that forensic evidence can be understood as a form of knowledge, she reveals that each piece of evidence has a social life and biography. Kruse shows how the crime scene examination is as crucial to the creation of forensic evidence as laboratory analyses, the plaintiff, witness, and suspect statements elicited by police investigators, and the interpretations that prosecutors and defense lawyers bring to the evidence. Drawing on ethnographic data from Sweden and on theory from both anthropology and science and technology studies, she examines how forensic evidence is produced and how it creates social relationships as cases move from crime scene to courtroom. She demonstrates that forensic evidence is neither a fixed entity nor solely material, but is inseparably part of and made through particular legal, social, and technological practices.

Ever wondered what it would be like to be a street magician in Paris? A fish farmer in Norway? A costume designer in Bollywood? This playful and accessible look at different types of work around the world delivers a wealth of information and advice about a wide array of jobs and professions. The value of this book is twofold: For young people or middle-aged people who are undecided about their career paths and feel constrained in their choices, A World of Work offers an expansive vision. For ethnographers, this book offers an excellent example of using the practical details of everyday life to shed light on larger structural issues. Each chapter in this collection of ethnographic fiction could be considered a job manual. Yet not any typical job manual-to do justice to the ways details about jobs are conveyed in culturally specific ways, the authors adopt a range of voices and perspectives. One chapter is written as though it was a letter from an older sister counseling her brother on how to be a doctor in Malawi. Another is framed as a eulogy for a well-loved village magistrate in Papua New Guinea who may have been killed by sorcery. Beneath the novelty of the examples are some serious messages that Ilana Gershon highlights in her introduction. These ethnographies reveal the connection between work and culture, the impact of societal values on the conditions of employment. Readers will be surprised at how much they can learn about an entire culture by being given the chance to understand just one occupation.

Based on an ethnographic study of fingerprint and DNA evidence practices in the Swedish judicial system, this article analyses the materialization of forensic evidence. It argues that forensic evidence, while popularly understood as firmly rooted in materiality, is inseparably technoscientific and cultural. Its roots in the material world are entangled threads of matter, technoscience and culture that produce particular bodily constellations within and together with a particular sociocultural context. Forensic evidence, it argues further, is co-materialized with crimes as well as with particular bodily and social constellations. Consequently, the article suggests that an analysis of how forensic evidence is produced can contribute to feminist understandings of the inseparability of sex and gender: understanding bodies as ongoing technoscientific-material-cultural practices of materialization may be a fruitful approach to analysing their complexity, and the relationships in which they are placed, without surrendering to either cultural or biological determinism. Taking a theoretical point of departure not only in an STS-informed approach, but also in material feminist theorizations, the article also underlines that the suggested theoretical conversations across borders of feminist theory and STS should be understood as a two-way-communication where the two fields contribute mutually to each other.

This article draws attention to communication across professions as an important aspect of forensic evidence. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the Swedish legal system, it shows how forensic scientists use a particular quantitative approach to evaluating forensic laboratory results, the Bayesian approach, as a means of quantifying uncertainty and communicating it accurately to judges, prosecutors, and defense lawyers, as well as a means of distributing responsibility between the laboratory and the court. This article argues that using the Bayesian approach also brings about a particular type of intersubjectivity; in order to make different types of forensic evidence commensurable and combinable, quantifications must be consistent across forensic specializations, which brings about a transparency based on shared understandings and practices. Forensic scientists strive to keep the black box of forensic evidence - at least partly - open in order to achieve this transparency.

Forensic evidence, and most prominently DNA evidence, is often understood as particularly reliable and "objective." However, just as other evidence, forensic evidence must be interpreted and thus made meaningful in order to "say" something about a defendants culpability. This paper discusses how meaning is created from and around forensic evidence: in criminal trials, evidence is placed in legally meaningful narratives that draw upon well-known cultural scripts and categories and that associate (or disassociate) a defendant with legal categories and consequences. The paper will demonstrate that these stories are not only told in court as a means of arguing a case, but are also continuously told and re-shaped during pre-trial investigations, as evidence in a case is assembled and assessed. Consequently, I argue that, in order to understand forensic evidence, it is just as important to pay attention to pre-trial investigations as it is to study forensic laboratories and courtroom interactions.

Based on an ethnographic study of fingerprint and DNA evidence practices in the Swedish judicial system, this article analyses the materialization of forensic evidence. It argues that forensic evidence, while popularly understood as firmly rooted in materiality, is inseparably technoscientific and cultural. Its roots in the material world are entangled threads of matter, technoscience and culture that produce particular bodily constellations within and together with a particular sociocultural context. Forensic evidence, it argues further, is co-materialized with crimes as well as with particular bodily and social constellations. Consequently, the article suggests that an analysis of how forensic evidence is produced can contribute to feminist understandings of the inseparability of sex and gender: understanding bodies as ongoing technoscientific-material-cultural practices of materialization may be a fruitful approach to analysing their complexity, and the relationships in which they are placed, without surrendering to either cultural or biological determinism. Taking a theoretical point of departure not only in an STS-informed approach, but also in material feminist theorizations, the article also underlines that the suggested theoretical conversations across borders of feminist theory and STS should be understood as a two-way-communication where the two fields contribute mutually to each other.

"Modern medicine is highly technological, with advanced technologies being used in diagnosis and care to provide knowledge about the patient, define bodily states and structure everyday medical interventions and divisions of labour. Whilst supporting and making medical practices possible, however, their design and use may also conflict with established traditions of medicine and care. What happens to the patient in a technologized medical environment? How are doctors', nurses' and medical scientists' practices changed when artefacts are involved? How is knowledge negotiated, or relations of power reconfigured?" "Technology and Medical Practice addresses these developments and dilemmas, focusing on various practices with technologies within hospitals and sociotechnical systems of care. Technologies are discussed as part of the sociotechnical environment of everyday medical practices, alongside the emotions of trust and distrust, fear, relief and compassion which they involve."

Forensic science has come to be assigned an important role in contemporary crime fiction. In this article, I analyze the cultural repertoire of forensic science conveyed by the popular television show Crime Scene Investigation (CSI). I argue that CSI science, in delivering an absolute "truth" about how and by whom crimes have been committed, is equated with justice, effectively superseding nonfictional forensic science as well as nonfictional judicature as a whole. Thus, CSI as a cultural performance adds to the mediascape a repertoire of wishful-thinking science with which to think about perceptions of and desires for crime and justice in nonfictional society. This repertoire seems to be considered relevant enough to nonfictional society to cause concern about the judicial system, as expressed in discussions of the so-called "CSI effect.".

Avhandlingen undersöker ett centralt steg inom vetenskapliga praktiker: hur laboratorieprov översätts till data som anses giltiga och användbara av forskargemenskapen. Baserat på ett multilokalt fältarbete bestående av observationer och intervjuer i laboratorier för genetisk forskning, visas i avhandlingen hur laboratoriepersonalens yrkesskicklighet, samt normer och ideal om vetenskaplig forskning, formade deras praktiker av att producera giltiga data. Eftersom maskiner var väsentliga i forskningen undersöker avhandlingen också de former av agens som människor och maskiner ansågs bidra med till produktionen av giltiga data; giltighet tolkades som reproducerbarhet av forskarna.

Med hjälp av representationsbegreppet och Latours begrepp om inskriptioner och immutable mobiles analyserar avhandlingen arbetet med att förvandla laboratorieprov till giltiga data som en tvåstegsprocess. Proven omvandlades först till rådata som sedan tolkades till data. Personalens huvudsakliga ansträngningar fokuserade i det första steget på att uppnå säkra resultat genom att bekämpa osäkerhet i material och metoder. I det andra steget var det viktigaste att eliminera subjektivitet och att göra objektiva tolkningar av rådatan.

Laboratoriepersonalens yrkesskicklighet och användning av maskiner var viktiga verktyg för att eliminiera osäkerhet och subjektivitet. Säkra och objektiva resultat, dvs giltiga data, förväntades uppnås med hjälp av maskiner. Med användning av bl a Barad’s begrepp agential realism analyserar avhandlingen de olika förståelser av människor och maskiner som formade forskarnas praktiker och möjliggjorde skapandet av giltiga data.

 Based on pilot studies in two different laboratories, this article illuminates how uncertainty is managed in genetic research in order to convert samples into reliable data. the laboratory staff achieved this conversion by using their skill to balance uncertainty and resources, establishing and re-establishing a precarious certainty.

This article investigates the role of crime scene technicians in theSwedish criminal justice system, and particularly how Swedishcrime scene technicians not only examine crime scenes but alsofacilitate the criminal justice system’s joint production of forensicevidence. It proposes thinking about the criminal justice system asa conglomeration of epistemic cultures, that is, of communitieswith different ways of producing and understanding forensic evidence.Such a perspective makes it possible to understand interprofessionalfrictions as epistemic frictions as well as to drawattention to the facilitations, mediations and translations thatcrime scene technicians perform. This perspective also makes itpossible to illuminate how the crime scene technicians’ professionalization– a professionalization from the outside – affects boththeir future crime scene work and their facilitations.