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  • 1.
    Andrews, Johanna
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Facing Obstacles to Change: implementing EU gender equality policies in the Central and Eastern European Countries2004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    On May 1st 2004 the European Union was enlarged with ten new countries. Eight of these share a common background as satellite states of the former Soviet Union and today three more are candidate countries for an EU membership. These countries share a state-communist past. In terms of gender equality this affects the countries’ norms regarding gender and the conception of equality between the sexes. The EU has an outspoken commitment to gender equality and has throughout the years developed a number of Equal Opportunity Policies to combat the problem with gender discrimination within the EU. What happens when the EU is implementing these policies into the former communist countries and norms from two different environments meet? T

    he thesis aim to critically review and discuss EU equal opportunity policies concerning the labour market in the former communist countries from perspectives of neo-institutionalist and contemporary feminist theory. The discussion concern obstacles to change and the creation of norms regarding gender equality, and whether the specific background (the communist experience) shared by the countries of the Eastern Europe might have implications for the process.

    The thesis uses a multi strategy approach, combining text studies, interviews and quantitative data. The analytical framework consists of concepts relating to change and norm formation from cultural neo-institutionalism and a feminist perspective. The input consists of the present rules and roles in the former communist countries and the existing EU equal opportunity policies. The situation that appears when the perspectives meet is analysed from a critical feminist perspective based on modern debates regarding the east-west dichotomy within the school of feminism. By adding concept of change from the school of cultural neo-institutionalism the situation can be evaluated from a norm creating perspective. This creates an opportunity to discuss potential future scenarios.

    The findings of the thesis show that there is a significant difference between the theoretical foundation for a discussion on gender equality between the EU15 and the CEEC11. This is reflected in a lack of gender awareness in the CEEC11 acknowledged by both NGOs and EU officials. The implication of this is that the EU is challenged to make the public aware of the importance of these values. They are forced to create a change in the norms governing gender equality in the CEEC11. However, the findings also show that the EU is somewhat uncritical towards its own role as the norm shaper in the process. There is a need for the European Commission to reflect over the present equal opportunity policies in order to create sustainable change. If the EU fail to do so it will most likely be the uncontested norm-holder and socialisation ceases to be a two way process. The consequence may be ineffective policies.

  • 2.
    Holmberg, Mette
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The Open Method of Coordination -An innovative tool of European governance?2004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In the light of the debate on the future of the European Union, a debate on new and better governance has started. One of the subjects of this debate is the Open Method of Coordination (OMC). It was initiated at the Lisbon European Council in 2000 as one of the ways to reach the strategic goals set for the EU at the same summit. Policy coordination was however applied in European policy- making before the Lisbon European Council. In the area of employment these activities had been operating for some years, and the OMC was created with the European Employment Strategy (EES) as a model. Now the OMC is also operating in the area of social inclusion policy, and a number of other policy areas. As its use is being extended, scholars as well as practitioners are studying it to determine its role and functions in EU governance.

    This thesis aims at examining the open method of coordination, in an effort to position it in the European governance structure and discuss if it can be a sign of an emerging new mode of European governance.

    Using a comparative approach, this thesis combines three methodologies; documentation analysis, interviews and case-studies. The analytical framework consists of existing modes of governance, as defined by Helen Wallace (2000). These are complemented with one more mode of governance. A discussion on governance in general and European governance in particular is also part of the analytical framework.

    The OMC is studied by its definition and is further discussed from the view of the different European institutions. Finally a case study of its application in employment policy and social inclusion policy is presented. These findings are then set in relation to the governance modes in the analytical framework, in order to define and explain the OMC. A discussion of the notions of democracy and legitimacy is also held. The conclusions hold that the OMC is an interesting mix of multi-level governance, intensive transgovernmentalism and policy coordination and benchmarking. It also has interesting features of the innovative mode of network governance. This concludes that the OMC does not only build on innovative governance, but is an interesting balance between multi-level and intergovernmental governance. It is also based on notions of legitimacy rather than democracy.

    Based on the findings in this thesis, the OMC should be seen as a sign of a new way of thinking about European governance. Its role should however not be exaggerated as most actors are very clear on it not being an alternative to ordinary Community action, and it should be seen as a complement rather than a substitute. The fact that the Convention on the future of Europe did not include the OMC into the draft constitutional treaty shows a somewhat ambivalent position towards it. It is concluded that the specific mix of governance features in the OMC is best served outside the treaty at this point.

  • 3.
    Jansson, Gabriella
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The Eastern Enlargement and the Political Rationale of the EU Regional Policy: The Case of Hungary and the Implementation of the Partnership Principle2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper addresses the so-called political rationale of the European Union’s (EU) regional policy in the context of the forthcoming eastern enlargement. The political rationale emphasises a particular type of organisation, involving multiple layers of governance and actors. This organisation is considered important in effectively reducing regional disparities. Regarding the great amount of EU regional funding the candidate states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are expected to receive upon accession, capable institutions and structures for handling these funds are vital. Also, it is a crucial part of the EU’s accession criteria. By using Hungary and the implementation of the partnership principle as a case study, the process of preparing for the regional funds in CEE is investigated in-depth. A policy analysis of the cohesion between EU policy objectives and the Hungarian implementation process of the partnership principle serves as the overall basis for the analysis. In order to analyse and understand the implementation process, Historical Institutionalism (HI) is applied as a theoretical framework. It contributes by assessing the factors affecting the implementation process and thus, policy coherence. A triangulation of data consisting of interviews with Hungarian officials and EU Member State experts involved in the implementation of partnership practices, primary and secondary texts as well as basic statistics is made against the propositions formulated through HI.

    In turn, a number of analytical findings have been discovered. Firstly, the policy process is seen as highly constrained by formal and informal institutional factors, created by historical policy legacies. These have shaped the goals and preferences of the actors involved and have also privileged certain groups over others. In turn, path-dependency is noticed. Secondly, this has made policy cohesion rather weak, with certain short-term requirements being fulfilled but with a lack of more in-depth, long-term measures. Thus, there is a mismatch between the EU and the Hungarian regional policy organisation. Thirdly, although the formal institutional mechanisms for change are rather rigid, indications of informal mechanisms providing possibilities of institutional change were found, with some actors adapting to the EU enlargement context. This could lead to partnership practises gradually infiltrating some ofthe institutional and organizational features and in turn, become strengthened through the multi-level governance structure of the EU. Yet, implementation of the partnership principle is identified as a long and open process, with the real challenges arriving as Hungary enters the EU

  • 4.
    Jin, Ying
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The Taiwan Question in China-U.S. Relations2004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The Taiwan issue has been regarded as the most sensitive question between China and the Unites States (U.S.). Although China-U.S. relations have made much progress, the Taiwan question has arrested the concerns of Chinese and American decision-makers for many years. Why is the Taiwan issue so important for the relationship between China and the U.S.? How is the future trend of development of China-U.S.-Taiwan? The different views of the governments in Washington and Beijing on the Taiwan issue, what result could it lead to? This study intends to answer these questions. To analyze this issue, I empirically examine the cases of Nixon’s visit to China in 1972 and Lee Teng-hui’s visit to the United States in 1995. By combining security complextheory and neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism I find that the Taiwan issue influenced the relationship between China and the U.S., and whether the Taiwan issue is settled properly will affect the normal development of China-U.S. relations directly.

  • 5.
    Kalashnyk, Leonid
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Environmental Decision-making in the Pskov Region of the Russian Federation2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The break-up of the Soviet Union handed down the Russian Federation a number of Soviet environmental legacies ranging from contaminated areas to the old bureaucratic procedures and outdated practices. In the post-Soviet years of transition to a free-market economy Russia began to face increasingly acute tension between environmental security and economic development, and the state’s ability to effectively pursue environmental policies deteriorated. Current environmental policy-makers are faced with a multitude of challenges that range from complicated environmental systems to the inconsistent legislative framework and resource deficiencies. Although researchers have paid some attention to these problems, environmental decision-making remains a poorly illuminated area and constitutes a theoretically challenging problem. This paper addresses the regional environmental decision-making process in the Russian Federation. Using the Pskov region on the border with Byelorussia and the two future EU members Estonia and Latvia as a case study, this paper seeks to supply a better understanding of how environmental decisions are made on the regional and local levels with a special focus on constraints affecting environmental policy-making. The study attempts to explain the environmental decision-making process in light of the two competing theories of decision- making, incrementalism and the bureaucratic politics model. It is primarily based on interviews made in the Pskov region in the autumn of 2002.

  • 6.
    Larnefeldt, Anna
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The United States and the International Criminal Court: An Identity Approach2004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to understand the reasons behind the decision of the United States to stand in opposition to the International Criminal Court. This policy seems to contradict the United States'leading role in international justice and commitment to universal human rights. The opposition to the ICC presents an apparent contradiction between principles and interests, and provokes the question of what role power, identity and principles play in the formation of national interest.

    The author reviews the concept of national interest in International Relations theory. It is found that only a constructivist identity approach takes account of both power and identity in the formation of national interest. The constructivist identity approach presents the concept of national interest as endogenous to social interaction and linked to identity. National interest is thus not seen as an objective analytical concept from which one can derive and explain rational behavior by rational actors, but as the very phenomenon that we are trying to understand. This theoretical framework is firmly located in an understanding tradition.

    In the search for an understanding of why the United States’ decision-makers considered opposition to the ICC to be in the national interest of the United States, role theory serves as a method. The empirical part of this thesis consists of analysis of speeches and statements, and of role conceptions found therein.

    The results of this approach show that the apparent contradiction between principles and interests does not exist. The reason why the behavior examined appears to be contradictory is that the spectator lets his or her own expectations of behavior appropriate for a certain belief or a certain role conception stand as a guide. The only way we can understand the reasons behind a given behavior is by looking at the actors’ view of the problem and what beliefs and role conceptions come into play for the actors when they face a foreign policy issue.

    The analysis makes it clear that the United States views its behavior as contradictory neither to its principles, nor to its perceived roles. Instead, it is the roles of the United States, the sources of which include both principles and capabilities, that are the reasons behind the policy.

  • 7.
    Lindahl, Anna
    et al.
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Sundset, Vivian
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The Grammar of Threat and Security in HIV/AIDS: An analysis of the South African Government's Discourse on HIV and AIDS Between 1998 and 2002 MFS-rapport nr 72, ISSN 1400-3562, ISBN 91-7373-905-72003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Since HIV and AIDS were discovered in the early 1980s the infection rates have taken on the proportions of a global pandemic. Whilst the rates are still quite low in the Western World there are areas like Sub-Saharan Africa, of which South Africa is a part, where the rates are as high as 25%. In light of this a debate as to how the situation should be handled and dealt with has developed. In 2000 the United Nation Security Council debated HIV/AIDS as a threat tonational and international peace and security. This was the first time a virus or disease had been debated in this forum. The debate was instigated by, among others, the United States. If states in the Western World, where infection rates are still low, can view this issue as a threat to security, how are HIV/AIDS viewed in a country like South Africa with a prevalence rate of 25%? There are those who claim that in order to say that an issue poses a threat to security one has to define what constitutes a threat and define the concept of security. Is it a subjective value? Could a disease and/or a virus be declared a security threat and what would the logic behind that be? Following the end of the Cold War the study of security was developed as some scholars wanted to widen the traditionally state-centred and military concept of security and reconceptualize it so that it would be applicable to non- traditional security-threats. The theory of securitization was developed with this purpose. It introduces a security-concept that is shaped by a grammar of drama and urgency based in a logic of existential threats that call for measures beyond the normal code-of-conduct. Thus, studies into how military, health, social and political issues etc can be defined as issues of security, i.e. become securitized, are made possible. The aim of this thesis is to, through the theoretical lenses of securitization- theory and the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, establish which meanings are involved in the structuring of the issue of HIV and AIDS in South Africa. Further we aim to establish whether these meanings can be related to a broader security concept, i.e. if there is a case of ‘securitization’ at hand. We have found, by analysing speeches given by government officials and key political documents between the years 1998 to 2002, that there are different trends in how HIV and AIDS have been defined, i.e. which meaning they have been given, and how these have been structured. Between 1998 and 2000 HIV and AIDS were seen as a threat and dealt with as such; they were securitized. In the years that followed we argue that there was a more cautious tone; the issue was desecuritized as the level of drama and urgency that had characterized the discourse of 1998-2000 was lowered between 2000-2002. The thesis acknowledges that it is too early to say whether this (de)securitizing move will succeed or not as time has yet to see the full effect of the move on a full desecuritization.

  • 8.
    Luksaite, Arune
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    A Case for International Socialisation: the Development of the National Role Conceptions of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania in the Baltic Sea Region.2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    When the Baltic States declared their independence in 1991, they did not become equal members of the international community in one day. Although the fall of the Berlin wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union declared the end to the Cold War, ideas, beliefs, prejudices and discourses were much harder to trigger. The study addresses the issues of newly independent states, establishing themselves in the international community, analysing the processes of learning in the interaction with the other international actors. By combining Role theory and Constructivism the author develops a framework to understand the development and change of Baltic States role conceptions. How have Baltic states perceived their role in the Baltic Sea region during the period 1993-2002? How has the western discourse treated them? What role did the application for the EU membership play in the process? What have been the individual and group features of the Baltic States? The study attempts to answer these and other questions through thediscourse analysis of public speeches.

  • 9.
    Lundqvist, Anastasia
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Contemprorary Russian Environmental policy: problems, players and priorities. The case of Pskov Region and environmental agenda-setting process.2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    From the beginning of nineties, when significant changes took place, Russia began to elaborate new environmental policy and designed new patterns for responding the environmental problems. The paper tried to make a contribution to our understanding of environmental policy and policy processes within the Russia in general terms and to the nature of environmental agenda setting in Pskov region in more specific terms. This thesis is therefore explores environmental agenda setting process in Russia taking into consideration contemporary trends in the analysis of policy- making, such as inclusion of non-state actors as well as role of ideas shaping actors attitudes and behaviour. The purpose of the thesis is to study the relationship between transnational forces and interactions, national policy and local political developments and the role of various agents and institutions in agenda setting of the regional environmental policy-making. The frame of reference is constituted by a theoretical combination of the agenda-setting model with constructivist approach in order to broaden our investigation of the implications of environmental policy-making, impact of political culture upon construction of environmental issues, and transformations in the public policy. By focusing on Pskov region case, the paper identifies and discusses a number of reasons why environmental issues are found on the margins of the political agenda. A central argument is that in the absence of effective governance in the Pskov region, international agents together with regional interest groups formulate environmental agenda. The paper concludes that, even though, the mentality of environmentalism is set through the foreign assistance, the processes of learning from international cooperation may contribute to attainment of regional environmental objectives.

  • 10.
    Nartea, Alexandru
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Compliance with International Human Rights and Refugee Rights Principles. The Case of Myanmar and its Refugees in Thailand2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The people of Myanmar find their personal security and well-being threatened by the military authorities of the country and have no option but to leave their homeland and seek refuge in Thailand. Nevertheless, seen as the burden and element of insecurity the refugees are often left unprotected or even expelled by the Thai authorities. The situation as such recalls what some observers shortly named “unwanted and unprotected”. The thesis focuses on the provisions of international human rights and refugee rights principles and traces the impact of international standards on the refugee problem situation. This research aims to assess the compliance with the international human rights and refugee principles in the Myanmar-Thailand case. Taking into account the particularity of this case, the aim has a twofold structure. On the one hand, it seeks to analyze the compliance with the international human rights principles in the Myanmar context. On the other hand, it needs to analyze the compliance with the international refugee and human rights standards of the Myanmar refugees in Thailand. Falling in-between the international law and international relations theories the compliance-based theory is employed to guide the analysis and help answer the fundamental question of this research: Why is compliance with the international human rights and refugee rights principles in the case of Myanmar and Thailand problematic?

  • 11.
    Rodriguez de Tembleque Garcia, Sandra M.
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    A case Study of Cooperation between Municipalities in the Miño River (The Area of the Spanish-Portuguese Border)2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this case study is to analyse cooperation mainly in issues related to water management in the area along the Miño river. The study focuses on the Spanish municipalities that limit with the river and that are in the border area with Portugal. There was a key issue which was discovered during the reading and analysis of data, a change of no cooperation to cooperation on the Spanish-Portuguese border. There was previously a political culture of no cooperation among the autonomous regions in Spain, which could have affected cooperation with the region of north Portugal. The fact the both countries have different administrative cultures could also impede cooperation. Nevertheless cooperation seems to have developed and in order to study this phenomenon the researcher uses a qualitative method and relies on a choice of institutional theories. This research studies how institutions affect cooperation in this particular case. The theories will analyse the impact of political institutions and the relation between institutions and individuals. They also help to identify how human behaviour affects processes and events.

  • 12.
    Romanova, Yanina
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Lettiska Identitet och Kultur i Sammanhanget med Öst Invigdning av Europeiska Unionen2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This research addresses the issues of identity and culture in Latvia in the context of the upcoming European Union enlargement in 2004. Political self- determination of Latvia was historically indebted to culture. The phenomenon of cultural identity, so important 12 years ago when Latvian independence was regained, is largely ignored by politicians in the upcoming enlargement process. This is especially worth attention since the 8-th parliamentary elections took place in October 2002. The obvious lack of interest in cultural issues on the part of politicians is compensated by the apprehensions in the society (reflected in mass media) to loose Latvian specific culture and identity when joining the big European family. The external political course of the government has one aim on the agenda: joining the EU, with no more alternatives for the future development of Latvia. From the point of view of Foucault’s post-modern theory the opportunities of the enlargement looked forward to by the authorities are viewed as operations of power with information about the pluses and minuses of the membership. Economic and political opportunities for Latvia in the EU and the security issues solvable under the European roof are explained by the transition of Latvian modern political discourse into the post-modern modality. Post-modern deconstruction strategies concern culture in the EU to the greatest extent. Latvian public, traditionally conservative, treats the desubjectivation of culture with skepticism and fears of globalization.

  • 13.
    Stamate, Gheorghe
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    European Security and Defence Policy, or Back to Political Realism?2004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In the course of this master thesis I will argue the following:

    a) ESDP project is an interesting initiative and concern issues that stand at the core of the EU integration processes. It relates to the most significant and updated development of the EU institutional, conceptual and strategic design, but is yet relatively unexplored and underdeveloped.

    b) The aim of this study is to evaluate the efforts to enhance cooperation among European countries in the provision and use of military force. To set the scene and illustrate constrains and complications that bear upon activities in this field. Indeed, the author intends to recommend a theoretical framework, as a fundamental prerequisite for the proper study of EU Defense and Security Policy.

    c) Constructivism and neo- Realism and their theoretical tenets offer an unexplored avenue to investigate and account for the development of the European Security and Defense Policy.

    d) The efficiency of such an account depends on a meticulous evaluation of proposed theoretical approaches versus the emerging security complex. This theoretical choice allows for a construction beyond that of the unit or system levels of analysis and may therefore grant a causal role to perceived interests in terms of non- traditional approach to research in social science. Also it may thereby provoke an interest in terms of security and threat.

    e) The originality and validity of a combination between Realism and Constructivism as a starting point for inquiries in IR may not only be relevant to an understanding of how such a development can unfold, but mostly how a real social phenomena can be unfolded by such a non-traditional theoretical approach.

  • 14.
    Stasaityte, Edita
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    Identity and Security in Europe: A Constructivist Study of Germany, Great Britain, Sweden and Lithuania2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This study examines different national constructions of contemporary European identities. The assumption is made that the construction of states'identities and identification of threats is a mutual process. For this reason special attention is paid to the construction of threats, embedded in a specific structure of the securitisation process. The author tries to answer to the questions of how identities are reproduced through the discourse on security and what information the analysis of national identities'constructions of Germany, Great Britain, Sweden andLithuania can provide about the contemporary ideas of a collective European identity using combination of Alexander Wendt's theoretical framework for analysing states'identities and the Copenhagen school's securitisation approach.

  • 15.
    Tallgren, Eva
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The Concept of'European Citizenship': National Experiences and Post-National Expectations?2003Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to interpret and understand the concept of citizenship in general, and the European citizenship in particular, placed within a broad theoretical framework. Furthermore, the purpose is to examine whether the development of a European citizenship indicates an emergence of a new ‘post-national’ model of citizenship, based on residence rather than nationality or place of birth. In order to address this, the status of third- country nationals (TCN’s), who are legally long-term residents within the Union, in relation to EU citizens has been analysed from the theoretical perspectives.

    Different models of citizenship provide the paper with a theoretical framework, through which the empirical data has been examined. The theoretical approaches dealt with in this paper are the liberal, the republican/communitarian and the ‘post-national’ models of citizenship respectively. Fundamental ‘key concepts’ have been derived from these different models of citizenship, which have facilitated the analysis by providing the interpretation of the EU citizenship with an analytical framework.

    To find answers to the initial research questions and fulfil the aim of the paper, a qualitative and hermeneutic study has been carried out, aiming at interpreting and understanding the European citizenship placed within its socio-political context. Text and language constitute the units of analysis and, hence, a textual analysis has been conducted of official EU documents. Following a conceptual history approach, concepts are not just reflections of historical processes, but can themselves contribute to historical change by making new things imaginable. As emphasised throughout the paper, concepts embrace at the same time a ‘space of experience’ and a ‘horizon of expectation’.

    The main conclusions drawn from the research can be summarised in a number of points. First, while the concept of European citizenship was originally connected to a formal and economic view upon citizenship, close to a liberal/neo-liberal notion of citizenship, the texts express an aim of a more active citizenship, emphasised in the republican/communitarian tradition. Secondly, despite a multicultural and post-national rhetoric concerning the status of long-term resident TCN’s, the gaining of ‘full’ EU citizenship can still only be attained through nationality in a Member State. Thirdly, the importance of interpreting a concept placed within its socio-political context has been clear from the study. The semantic analysis has showed a close link between the European citizenship andthe goal to create an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ throughout the Union. This goal is interpreted as a response to recent occurrences in the world, but at the same time it expresses expectations about the EU citizenship, and it can thus itself affect future developments in this field.

    To sum up, while the concept of European citizenship is post-national to the extent that it applies to all EU citizens irrespective of where in the Union they live, it is still not completely based on the principle of residence. Only nationals of an EU Member State can obtain citizenship of the Union. Thus, the concept of European citizenship, while establishing a citizenship across national borders, is still based on nationality.

  • 16.
    Toplu, Esra
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership: Critical Assessment of the Security Aspects2004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis attempts to assess the security aspect of the Barcelona Process (Process), or so called Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) within the theoretical framework of new regionalism and the Copenhagen School (Security complex theory) which agrees with neo/realism, neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism in some aspects. The end of the Cold War broadened the security agenda and new security concerns emerged. Actually, most of the so- called security threats are not new, but the perception of them by the states has changed with globalization which increased the interconnectedness and density of the interaction. Global challenges have made states more vulnerable so appreciated the cooperative interaction at regional level. Comprehensive and cooperative security approaches gained importance and led regional security partnership among states. The construction of Euro-Mediterranean security partnership is one case stemming from the high level of interdependence between the European and the Mediterranean countries. The historical ties, economic dependency, geographical proximity increased the EU’s interest towards the Mediterranean. While new regionalism enables to grasp systemic factors in the Process, the Copenhagen School permits to understand security partnership at the regional level. The rise of illegal immigration flows and religious fundamentalism in the Mediterranean as well as tension in the Middle East conflict, the Iraqi War, and terrorist attacks to the US, Algeria and recently Turkey appreciated the importance of the EMP policy and security cooperation so make this study more crucial.

    This study showed that the security challenges in five sectors of the security defined by the Copenhagen School are observable in the EMP’s case. Both military and non-military concerns threaten the stability and prosperity in the Mediterranean Basin. The three baskets of the EMP depict its comprehensive security approach. Having made an overview of the Barcelona Process, the thesis evaluated the security challenges in general and the thematic areas of concerns in depth. Since security cannot be defined without reference to the perceptions and security cultures of the actors, the study examined the perceptions and security cultures in the EMP.

    The evaluation of the EMP showed that the EMP has shown certain developments on the way for the security cooperation. However, it could not produce tangible results due to the fundamental shortcomings categorized as inter and intra-institutional incoherence, definitional/perceptional problems and multi- actor involvement in the region. The lack of institutional structures, asymmetrical relations among partners, unbalanced distribution of powers and lack of commitment of the EU are crucial problems. On the basis of all problems lie the gap between the perceptions and security culture of Europe and the Arab world. Thus, this thesis emphasizes the enhancement of inter- subjective understanding and cultural dialogue in order to improve trust and interaction among partners. The EMP is on right track to build zone of peace in the Basin, but it requires longue durée to achieve this.

  • 17.
    Xue, Leng
    Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics.
    China-EU trade relations: The period after 19752004Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Magister)Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to analyze China-EU trade relations with focus on the period after 1975, when the diplomatic relations between China and EU developed. The research questions are (i) what is the driver in the development of China-EU trade relations? This question is subdivided into two questions: how do economic factors impact on China-EU trade relations and how do political factors influence China-EU trade relations? (ii) what are the existing problems in the current China-EU relations? (iii) what are the future prospects?

    To carry out the research questions and fulfill the aim of the paper, a qualitative and quantitative method has been chosen in order to interpret and understand China-EU traderelations. The theoretical framework of this study is neo-realism and neo-liberalism with particular attention focusing on political issues and economic issues respectively.

    A number of conclusions can be drawn from research. First, China-EU trade has developed very rapidly. Trade relations between the two sides are good. They are the third largest traders with each other. Secondly, the momentum for the development of China-EU trade relations is rooted in their common interests in both the political and economic fields. Thirdly, the prospect of China-EU trade relations is promising. These factors include (i) the establishment of a foundation to promote the healthy development of China-EU trade (for example, a set of legal framework provides both sides with the legal basis for their economic relations); and (ii) the prediction of future political and economic environment as favorable to the development of China-EU trade relations.

    All factors show optimistically that China-EU trade will continue to prosper. The China-EU trade relationship is not without friction and the author theorizes that there are some potential danger factors; such as the Taiwan issue and trade disputes that may shadow the future development of China-EU trade relations and cannot be overlooked. At the end the author puts forward four suggestions to promote the further development of China-EU trade relations: (i) maintain the existing high-level of exchanges such as the annual EU-China summit; (ii) set up a warning mechanism to prevent trade disputes escalating; (iii) provide a method for establishing negotiations; (iv) prevent the politicizing of trade relations, for example, do not connect human right issue with trade relations. Unrelated issues should be addressed separately.

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