How to outline an education for a democratic citizenship beyond national boundaries? In times of globalization, and with intensified pressure from the European Union on its nation states to provide for a common European identity through education, this question becomes crucial for national policymaking within Europe. In this text focus rests on Swedish Education policy, in order to shed light upon what is marked out for Swedish compulsory schools- commission to foster democratic citizens at the end of the 20th century. On the basis of earlier done policy research on this national policymaking arena, it is argued that its fostering agenda transcends the nation state tends to include certain groups of people, while others are being excluded. It is further argued that these including and excluding divides are based upon presupposed ethno-cultural properties 

We live in times of search for an education that can transcend national, ethnical, religious and cultural borders. As it seems, contemporary education is to be found in despair. Or at least found to be unsatisfactory in relation to new challenges in the contemporary world. The aim of this text is to deepen the prospect of the potential of education, regarding what might seem almost like a visionary educational objective - to provide for a global democratic citizenship. The core issue in the text is to surface what appears as insufficiencies in present democratic citizenship education. The urge is to draw upon some feasible features of an alternative to these insufficiencies. Drawing on Stanley Cavell-s notion of voicing and language, I will suggest an altered understanding of democracy and of a democratic citizenship that may direct the mission of democratic education in another way. What is needed for a compelling democratic education, I will argue, is an existential orientation. In order to make my argument, I will use Swedish Education policy as a case in point.

Democracy is often handled as something that has to be learned through formal education. Moreover, there is a strong tendency to see the role of education as that of the preparation of children, young and adults for their future active participation in democratic life. A problem with this view is that it relies on the idea that the promise for a democratic citizenship is situated in the existence of an accurately educated citizenry; so that once all citizens have received their education democracy will be pursued. In this paper I will suggest an altered understanding of democratic life that may be considered as encouraged by Social Movements- activities. It will be argued that democracy is something that can be learned by a specific form of existence rather than by a specific set of educational conditions.

I den här avhandlingen är intresset riktat mot svensk utbildningspolitik och medborgarskap. I tider av globalisering, och med ett etablerat svenskt medlemskap i Europeiska unionen, har det nationella policyskapandet kring utbildningens medborgardanande funktion hamnat under ökat tryck. I studien undersöks hur detta hanteras i svensk utbildningspolitik under 1990-talet, en tid som utmärker sig genom betydande förändringar på utbildningsområdet i Sverige. Frågan är, mera precist, vilken riktning för skolans, enligt lag befästa, uppdrag att fostra demokratiska medborgare som utstakas i svensk utbildningspolitik vid denna tid.

Genom att fästa vikt vid mål, visioner och motiv som formuleras i utbildningspolitiska 1990-talstexter klarläggs förståelser av medborgarskap som karaktäriserar svensk utbildningspolitik under denna tid. Även en bredare historisk analys görs, ur vilken historiska målsättningar med skolans medborgarfostran som föregår 1990-talets framträder. Studiens syfte är kritiskt. Förståelserna granskas utifrån vad de innesluter och vad de utesluter, vilka möjliga konsekvenser de kan tänkas få för olika individer och grupper i samhället, och om det finns öppningar för tänkbara alternativ.

Studien visar på två historiska skiften vad gäller medborgarskapets innehåll och mening i det inhemska policyskapandet. Det första skiftet äger rum under 1990-talets tidiga del. Då bryts en etablerad samhällsbyggande medborgarroll upp, till förmån för andra mera marknadsorienterade medborgarroller. Under 1990-talets senare del, då marknadsorienteringen förstärks i neoliberal riktning, sker ett andra skifte; en historiskt vedertagen gemenskapstanke – nationen – bryts upp som grund för medborgerlig gemenskap. Denna tanke ersätts av en annan som är globaliseringsinriktad, vilken visar sig ha andra inne- och uteslutande mekanismer för olika individer och samhällsgrupper. Utifrån dessa forskningsrön tecknas avslutningsvis några konturer till ett alternativt sätt att tänka kring medborgarskap och gemenskap. Detta alternativ tar form i ambitionen att, i högre grad än vad som blir synligt i svensk utbildningspolitik, resonera kring möjligheter för ett medborgarskap bortom förhandstecknade indelningsgrunder för ett “vi”.

Språk som politisk och samhällelig förändringskraft ges en central betydelse i avhandlingen. I analysen av texternas tal om skolans medborgarfostrande roll undersöks pågående politiska motsättningar när det gäller att vinna tal- och tolkningsföreträde till skolans fostransmål. Utgångarna av dessa motsättningar belyses genom tre områden för medborgarfostran som urskilts som centrala; ett politiskt, ett kulturellt samt ett ekonomi- och arbetslivsriktat. Genom dessa har rådande medborgarskapsdiskurser tagit form, ur vilka de utbildningspolitiska förståelserna av medborgarskap gestaltas och diskuteras.

In this thesis attention is drawn to Swedish education policy and citizenship. In times of globalization, and with Swedish membership of the European Union, national policymaking concerning the commissioned role of citizen upbringing has come under increased pressure. In this study, light is shed on how this issue is given shape in Swedish education policy in the 1990s, a period marked by significant changes in the field of education in Sweden. The core question is, more precisely, what direction is being marked out for the Swedish schools´ commission, laid down by law, to foster democratic citizens during this period.

By taking an interest in how objectives, visions and motives are formulated in education policy texts from the 1990s, understandings of citizenship are mapped that characterize Swedish education policy during this period. In addition, a more extensive analysis is carried out, by means of which historical goals of the schools’ fostering of citizens prior to those of the 1990s are presented. The aim of the study is critical. The understandings are reviewed in order to revise what they include and exclude, as well as what possible consequences they may have for different individuals and groups, and whether there are conceivable alternatives.

It is emphasised that two historical changes take place during the 1990s concerning the subject of the content and meaning of citizenship in Swedish education policymaking. Firstly, during the first part of the 1990s, a historically established citizen role is changed and replaced by other, more market-oriented roles. During the latter part of the 1990s, when the market orientation is reinforced in neo liberal courses, a second change emerges, the historically accepted basic idea of inclusion – the nation – as the “we”-creating reference for civic spirit is shattered. It is replaced by another – globalization – with other qualities that include and exclude different individuals and groups. Finally, on the basis of these findings, some conditions for a possible alternative are sketched. This alternative is given shape with the ambition of, to a greater extent than is made visible in Swedish Education policy, reasoning about possibilities beyond presupposed dividing properties for a “we”.

The power of language for political and societal change has an important role in this dissertation. Political clashes concerning achieving preferential access to talk and interpretation about upbringing objectives are examined by analyzing the texts’ talk about the schools’ commission to foster citizens. Light is shed on the outcomes of these clashes by examining three vital areas for citizen upbringing, found to be crucial in this context: a political one, a cultural one and an economical and working-life oriented one. These citizenship discourses are elucidated and understandings of citizenship in Swedish education policy are given form and alternatives are discussed.

Begreppet likvärdighet har under tre decennier varit ett nav i kampen mellan olika synsätt på utbildning och i reformer på utbildningsområdet. Bidragen i denna bok analyserar likvärdighetsbegreppets olika betydelser och dokumenterar tre faser i den utbildningspolitiska striden om begreppet. Under 1960- och 1970-tal samt tidigt 1980-tal hade begreppet en relativt omfattande betydelse och var kopplat till jämlikhet, enhetlighet, fostran till en gemensam referensram och kompensation. Under slutet av 1980- och under 1990-talet utvecklas en kamp om begreppet och successivt knyts likvärdighet till valfrihet och föräldrarätt. Individualisering ses nu inte i första hand som kompenserande behandling utan som att lägga till rätta för individers möjligheter att utnyttja sina komparativa fördelar. Under slutet av 1990-talet och under 2000-talet, kopplas likvärdighet alltmer till måluppnående och betygsättning. Likvärdighetsbegreppet förlorar nu successivt sin tidigare roll till förmån för kvalitetsbegreppet. I dagens diskussion bryts fortfarande dessa uttolkningar mot varandra, och de kommer som flera av bokens bidrag visar till uttryck på det kommunala planet, där det kan föras helt olika politik i likvärdighetens namn. Den enligt författarna i dag dominerande kvalitetsdiskursen om likvärdighet analyseras i flera bidrag och sätts också in i ett internationellt sammanhang. Tomas Englund är professor i pedagogik vid Örebro universitet och har under många år lett en forskargrupp om utbildning och demokrati. Denna bok är ett resultat av ett forskningsprojekt. Ann Quennerstedt är FD och lektor i pedagogik. Hon forskar och undervisar vid Pedagogiska institutionen, Örebro universitet.

Equivalence is regarded as a central concept in contemporary Swedish education policy. One important aspect in the education policy is to describe and determine the Swedish schools- assignment to bring up democratic citizens. The concept of equivalence, hence, plays an important role in this policy-making practice. In the 1990s equivalence is challenged by another concept: -freedom of choice-. Here some possible outcomes of a changed conceptual framework in the education policy are tried out, regarding the political understanding of a democratic citizenship. Three questions are pulled forth in order to carry out this aim. The challenge of -freedom of choice- on equivalence contributes to a change in the political understanding of a democratic citizenship in Swedish education policy. A phenomenon that occurs in at least three aspects: the political participation (from co-acting to re-acting), the political activity (from directing to voting) and the political role of the citizen in society (from being a designer to a consumer).

Swedish compulsory school is commissioned by the government to bring up democratic citizens. This assignment is articulated in current national policy documents of education. The ways in which this assignment is defined and described on this policy level can be highlighted in terms of what citizens that are desired for the schools to educate. In a historical perspective, the citizen-educating assignment of the schools can be traced back to the introduction of the first elementary school of Sweden, 1842. Ever since, the assignment has been formulated and reformulated in different ways in different times, related to the political -needs- experienced in the vital societal and historical situation in which it is produced, received and applied. In my presentation I aim to highlight the current definitions and descriptions of this assignment in the early 1990ies, the time in which the contemporary policy documents for the Swedish compulsory school are produced. I attempt to do this in terms of what citizenship dimensions that tend to become visible in this current Swedish policy language, and what dimension that can be considered as dominant. Three citizenship dimensions can be outlined as central in the political educational understanding of the schools- assignment to bring up democratic citizens in Sweden: An economic- and working life-oriented dimension, a political dimension and a cultural dimension. Among these three the economic and working life-oriented citizenship dimension can be regarded as dominant for the current political understanding of the upbringing of citizens of Swedish schools. Some aspects of this domination are briefly sketched.

Among the different meanings of equivalence in Swedish Education policy in the 1990ies, one can be related to the concept of -freedom of choice-. Even though this relation doesn-t contribute to a replacement of the historically more unambiguous meaning of equivalence, it coexists with it and represents a constant tension to it. This tension can be described in terms of a -freedom of choice challenge- on equivalence. In this text I aim to highlight this tension in relation to the Swedish schools- assignment to bring up democratic citizens in the early 1990ies. The question I try to answer is how can the freedom of choice challenge be considered to stand out in the political understanding of the schools- upbringing of democratic citizens in Sweden in the early 1990ies? I take my point of departure in some nationally encompassing Education policy texts.

Equivalence is regarded as a central concept in contemporary Swedish educational policy. Hence, the concept of -equivalence- plays an important role in educational policy-making practice in Sweden. One important aspect in this policy-making is to determine the schools- assignment to bring up democratic citizens. In the 90s equivalence is challenged by another concept, -freedom of choice-. This challenge has consequences for the understanding of what citizen to bring up in the Swedish schools. In this paper I will try out some possible outcomes of a changed conceptual framework in the educational policy practice, when it comes to the political understanding of a democratic citizenship in Sweden.