Den här boken är en direkt fortsättning på Thomas Lindkvists och Maria Sjöbergs Det svenska samhället 800-1720 och behandlar framväxten av det moderna Sverige. Denna skildras i två större tidsavsnitt, benämnda "Böndernas tid" (1720-1866) och  "Arbetarnas tid" (1866-2018). Beteckningarna är valda för att poängtera de grupper som socialt, politiskt, ekonomiskt och kulturellt var betydande för samhällsutvecklingen under dessa perioder. Författarna skildrar utvecklingen från både klass- och könsperspektiv. Denna sjätte upplaga av boken är reviderad och uppdaterad.

Det svenska samhället 1720-2018 är främst avsedd för studenter i historia på universitet och högskolor.

Till den här boken finns ett omfattande webbmaterial med miniföreläsningar, kartor, illustrationer, källtexter och  diskussionsfrågor. Tillgång till detta får du genom en kod på omslagets insida.

Huvudsyftet med min uppsats är att undersöka demografiska mönster i Bersbo under 1860-talet. Min intention är att undersöka och se om det finns någon korrelation mellan Bersbo som expanderande gruvsamhälle och demografiska aspekter såsom migration, nuptialitet och fertilitet. Som jag mer ingående kommer redogöra för senare i min uppsats har tidigare forskning visat att gruvsamhällen skiljer sig åt från andra industrialiserade samhällen när det kommer till vissa sociala och demografiska beteendemönster. Tidigare studier av gruvsamhällen har i huvudsak varit förlagda till större samhällen i England, Wales och Norrbotten och industrierna har ofta haft en högre aktivitet under längre tid än Bersbo vilket gör det intressant att se om samma tendenser går att finna i en liten gruvort utanför Åtvidaberg.

MÄNNISKOR SOM FÖRDRIVS eller flyr är ett konstant temagenom historien. Vem som är flykting, vem som har ansvaret för flyktingarna och hur mottagandet av dem har organiserats och vilka rättigheter de flyende ska ha, har dock varieratgenom olika tider. Det var först 1951som världen fick en universell definition av begreppet »flykting« i och med FN:s flyktingkonvention. Enligt den är en flykting en person som »flyttsitt land i välgrundad fruktan för förföljelse på grund av ras, religion, tillhörighet till en viss samhällsgrupp eller politisksamhörighet, och som befinner sig utanför det land vari han är medborgare och som på tidigare nämnd fruktan inte kan eller ill återvända till det landet« (UNHCR 2018a). Flyktingkonventionen är den första internationella överenskommelse som förutom att definiera vem som ska räknas som flykting även fastslår flyktingars rätt till skydd och sociala rättigheter som ska garanteras dem av den mottagande staten. Det moderna flyktingbegreppet utgår från att individer tillhör eller fördrivs från olika nationalstater och att de kan söka skydd, asyl, i andra stater. De stater som har ratificerat konventionen förbinder sig att agera utifrån konventionens fastlagda principer (UNHCR 2018b). Men även om stater sedan 1951har förbundit sig att ta emot och ta om hand om flyktingar som sökerasyl, spelar det sociala arbetet från frivilligorganisationer och individer som på egen hand söker hjälpa en viktig roll. Speciellt i tider som exempelvis hösten 2015, när många flyktingar kommer samtidigt och staten har svårt att hantera och organisera samordnade mottagningsinsatser för alla de människor som söker skydd (SOU 2017:12).

The purpose of this study is to investigate how municipalities can work with place marketing through the use of social media and influencers. This has been explored through a case study of the blog Resfredagand the blog’s thematic series Svenska pärlor, a collaborative marketing initiative initiated by the municipalities of: Borås, Karlstad Karlskrona, Marstrand, Nynäshamn, Skaftö/ Lysekil, Söderköping, Skara, Tjörn, Strömstad, Östersund and Umeå. The study has been carried out through nine semi-structured interviews with key sources representing the municipalities who have an entry posted to the blog, but also with Annika Myhre who runs the blog Resfredag.

The result of the study showed that the similarities and differences between the municipalities work with place marketing can be viewed through the themes of: the changed role of the tourism organizations, target markets and groups, as well as digital presence. The municipalities´ collaborations with the blog Resfredagcould also be answered through the themes of: selling an idea, daring to make an attempt and paid/non- paid collaboration. Finally, the possibilities and problems of influencer collaborations were described through the themes of: credibility, cooperation and difficulties to measure. The different themes have created the understanding that municipalities tourism organizations are increasingly becoming tourism actors in a more and more digitalized market.

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The ‘urban penalty’, i.e. higher urban mortality compared with the countryside, existed at a national level in Sweden until the twentieth century. However, at a regional and local level, the urban-rural dichotomy was less true. In three countryside parishes in 1750-1859, three different patterns emerge. Socioeconomic and geographical factors defined life chances from cradle to grave. In a suburban parish, in a cohort born in the 1790s, about half of the females died before they were 30 years old and half of the males died before they were 20! This example is at the worse end of the scale with survival rates below the Swedish average – but it is not unique. In contrast, among those born during the same decade in a forest parish, about half of the females lived until they were 60 years old and half of the males were still alive at the age of 50! This second example is at the positive end with survival rates much better than the Swedish average. A third example, an iron foundry, had low infant mortality but high adult mortality, resulting in survival rates close to the Swedish average.

‘Public health’ investigates the determinants of health, born during the Enlightenment in the seventeenth/eighteenth century. But ‘public health’ is also policies, aiming at the improvement of a population’s health. There is a mutual interchange between public health as science and as politics. A brief historical background is followed by an analysis of the impacts of political changes during the first two decades of the twenty first century in Sweden. In 2005, a policy document accepted by all political parties except for the Moderate Party highlighted socio-economic factors and structural reforms to decrease the health gaps in the population. The general election in September 2006 resulted in a new majority in the parliament and a center-right coalition government, including the Moderates and three parties that had approved of the 2005 document. In 2007 a “new public health policy” was introduced. Its priority lists stressed individual behavior and the new policy should be incentives to work instead of “allowances”. The Public Health Institute got instructions in accordance with the new policy. The ten years following this policy change has seen public health policies and attitudes to research shifting almost year by year. The new policy met a counter-stream from the very beginning. Influenced by Michael Marmot’s WHO Commission on health inequalities, regional commissions started in Sweden, Recommendations how to decrease social health gaps was adopted with almost no opposition by regional health boards in 2012–2013. But new problems were now occupying politicians and media—how to finance the growth of the old, multi-sick part of the population and increasing costs for new medical technologies and drugs. Public health as an academic discipline was in the middle of this fluctuating political landscape with direct effects on what has been considered worth listening to or support by public money.

In a Swedish context, Jewish women’s experiences and actions have gone unrecorded and unrecognised; most narratives of Swedish Jewish history offer only a partial account of their past. Marginalised or ignored, or absorbed into universalised categories of ‘Jews’, ‘women’ or ‘survivors’, the experiences and histories of Jewish women are in general not represented in previous Swedish research on the history of the Jewish minority, the Swedish Jewish response to the Nazi terror and the Holocaust or the history of the women’s movement in general. Previous research on the Swedish Jewish response and assistance for the Jewish refugees and survivors of Nazi persecution has mainly dealt with the Jewish community in Stockholm and its relief committee, where the women were absent from leadership positions. The purpose of this study is to explore if and how the Jewish women’s club in Stockholm initiated or was involved in relief activities for and with the persecuted Jews of Europe. Specifically, this is investigated in the context of how the club was established and manifested in public by examining what questions the club raised and what activities it organised in the 1930s and 1940s.

A life story can be simplistically defined as a story that a person tells about his or her life or chosen parts of that life. Regardless of when a life story is told, the story is also a cultural and social product. We understand and tell our lives in a way that is understandable not only to others, but also to ourselves. Memories and stories are framed and shaped in relation to the concepts, beliefs and stories that exist in our contemporary culture and society. The analysis needs to consider not only the narrative offered, but also the meanings invested in it and their discursive origins. However, when working with previously collected and archived narrative material, it is not only the narrator’s relationship to, and negotiation of, existing discourses that should be considered, but also how the memory institution that initiates, creates and preserves collections of narratives contributes to the shaping of a certain type of life story and understanding of experiences in the past. Thus, the interviewee and the interviewer, but also the archivists and the institution, are emphasised as co-creators of the stories collected and archived in the collection. An important part of the analysis is therefore to listen for what is taken for granted, what is included in the stories, and also for the silences. This article examines how Jewish lives could be narrated during the years 1994–98 in the context of the collecting of Jewish memories at the Nordic Museum in Stockholm. It investigates in what ways the different actors involved in the collecting process – interviewers, interviewees, narrators and the memory institution itself – understood contemporary discourses on Jewishness and the identity categories used, such as religion, gender, class, generation and nation, when Swedishness and Jewishness were constructed in the individual life stories and in the design and archivisation of the collection.